People at the Helm - How Taiwan Transitions from Authoritarianism to Democracy

刊出日期 2024.04.23

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1949-1991: Nationwide Martial Law, From the “Chiangs’ Era” to Semi-Authoritarianism
The establishment of the presidential position traces back to the Constitution of the Republic of China, formulated in 1946 and stipulated in 1947. The Constitution at that time outlined the functions of crucial political bodies, including the president, the National Assembly, and the five branches of government (Executive Yuan, Legislative Yuan, Judicial Yuan, Control Yuan, and Examination Yuan). The National Assembly, which represented the populace, was elected by the citizens. Subsequently, the president was chosen by the National Assembly.
Experiencing  the passing of the Chiangs, the emergence of non-KMT political parties, the lifting of martial law, and  the series of constitutional amendments after the 1990s, Taiwan steadily embarked on the path of democratization.
During this period, a general consensus on constitutional amendments had been reached, however,  there were extensive debates about how and who to elect for the president, as well as the orientation of the political system—whether to lean towards a parliamentary or a presidential system. Some advocated for the president to be elected by delegates, but ultimately, the decision was made in favor of direct election by the people.
The practice of direct presidential election held crucial significance, as it allowed the people in the country to choose their president, legislators, and have their own governmental organizations, customs, and military. This solidified the country’s position and legitimized its governance.
1991–1996: From Constitutional Amendments to Presidential Elections–Choosing Our Own President
Since direct presidential elections became Taiwan's most crucial democratic task, the next step was to establish a series of measures. This period of adjusting rules and systems is referred to as the “democratization stage”.
Since the Constitution has stipulated rules for presidential elections, the most critical step then was to make constitutional amendments. Lin Jia-he (林佳和), Associate Professor of the Department of Law at National Chengchi University, describes the logic of the  amendments as tailoring clothes that fit Taiwan according to the trends of the times. Through these tailored changes , the system underwent  a steady transition toward  democracy. However, the process of constitutional amendments is extremely complicated . Starting from the first amendment in 1991, it took until the third amendment in 1994 to firmly establish the practice of direct presidential elections.
The process of electing the supreme ruler through direct elections in a specific geographic area (Taiwan, Penghu, Kinmen, and Matsu) signifies that we, with our territory, people, and government, possess a complete political system and internal legitimacy as a nation, which effectively distinguishes ourselves from China.
This “national-level” action was deemed  as a significant threat by the then Chinese leader, Jiang Zemin (江澤民). Therefore, during the 1996 Taiwan presidential election, China launched missiles into the waters near Kaohsiung and Keelung cities, showcasing its blockade capabilities and escalating cross-strait tensions. In response, the United States dispatched aircraft carrier battle groups for joint defense. This period is commonly referred to as the “Third Taiwan Strait Crisis,” highlighting the historical significance of direct presidential elections.
The direct election of the president is the final step in the democratization process, but the real challenge lies in whether the established system can be effectively implemented in a complex society.
1996 to Present: Consolidation of Democracy through Regular Transfers of Power
After the direct presidential election in 1996, Taiwan progressed towards a consolidated democracy. During this period, the key was whether the people of Taiwan, with a fully democratized system, could consistently adhere to the new rules and keep the nation on the track of a democratic state.
Of particular significance is that Taiwan has undergone three transfers of political power, which indicates the stable operation of democracy.
Since the implementation of direct presidential elections, Taiwan has maintained a frequency of approximately a transfer of political power every two presidential terms. This suggests that the Taiwanese people are no longer attached to strongman politics; instead, they demonstrate flexibility with a “try someone new” attitude. Jia-He Lin pointed out that after years of democratization, Taiwanese society has grown accustomed to not idolizing political figures, a phenomenon common in many democratic countries. Ogasawara Yoshiyuki analyzed the characteristics of Taiwanese voters and summarized three traits: “I have the say,” “Those in power should shoulder the responsibility,” and “Replace those who didn’t do well.” These traits reflect the belief that Taiwanese people hold power in their votes. They trust their ballots can change the political landscape and that public opinion can punish underperforming parties, normalizing the transfer of political power.
This also means that despite Taiwan’s relatively short 30-year history of democratization, the current democratic system continues to operate. However, factors such as Taiwan’s relation with China, its current international status, the composition of the parliament, ethnic conflicts, and voters’ national identity are still crucial elements that influence election outcomes. In terms of the implementation of the presidential election in Taiwan, Ogasawara Yoshiyuki has referred to it as the “Beacon of Democracy,” saying “As long as there are presidential elections, Taiwan’s democracy will thrive; as long as there are presidential elections, the beacon will shine.”
Yu Ching-hsin (游清鑫), Director of the Election Study Center at National Chengchi University, explains from the perspective of voters that electing a president is a process of authorization by the people. It signifies that “the person coming to govern me has been authorized by me.” Conversely, when the people choose a leader, they agree to be governed. Hence, it is important that people in Taiwan carefully assess the current choices and cast their votes based on their informed judgment.
References:
The Presidential Elections in Taiwan by Ogasawara Yoshiyuki, translated by  Li Yan-hua, and published by Common Master Press.
“Direct Presidential Election” in the Encyclopedia of Taiwan by the Ministry of Culture

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# 政治政策 # 民主 # 歷史 # 選舉 # 2024總統大選 # 英文新聞

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林佳和

諮詢專家

政治大學法律學系副教授。台灣大學法律學系法學博士、德國布萊梅大學法學博士候選人，專長憲法學與國家學、勞動法學、法律社會學、國家理論。

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游清鑫

諮詢專家

政治大學選舉研究中心研究員兼主任，是一個喜歡看電影與聊天的平凡人，有時也會喜歡孤獨的感覺。

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鄭涵文

文字

設計師。曾任記者寫很多字，現下更專心畫畫。平生無大志，喜用圖像化繁為簡、嘰嘰喳喳說故事。成就感來自觀者看圖後的會心一笑。

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謝雨軒

翻譯

台大外文系畢，現就讀台大翻譯碩士學位學程筆譯組，並兼任高中教師。希望以教育及文字工作者的身分持續努力，精進自我之餘也為更多的生命帶來美好與改變。

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謝三泰

攝影

出生於澎湖，20歲當兵時，離開澎湖到台灣，見到了從未看過的高山、河川、火車，開啟了眼界，同時也接觸了台灣本土文學，試著從自己的雙眼和文學作品裡瞭解台灣。當兵時，買了生平第一台相機，從此相機成了他探索世界的工具，代替雙眼，記錄下所見的土地與人、事、物。 30歲到台北投入媒體工作時，幸運地趕上了從戒嚴到解嚴，台灣政治氣氛轉變的時刻。在追求民主的過程中，街頭抗爭、社會運動風起雲湧，報禁解除、媒體百家爭鳴，身處動盪的時代，每天拿著相機，真槍實彈地操練。因為媒體工作有了扎實的攝影訓練，那段時間，白天採訪新聞、下午則拿著相機，遊走在不同的角落，記錄著整個城市的轉變，對攝影充滿熱情。

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林佑恩

攝影

影像工作者，曾任攝影記者。畢業於倫敦金匠學院，主修攝影與城市文化。

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